The Journal Sentinel published two articles (here and here) about a school board hearing attempting to close four schools. Two articles were needed because the hearing ran to 1:30 in the morning, way past the paper's deadline.
The meeting ran so long because all four schools recruited administrators, teachers, and some parents to come to the meeting and protest the closings. This is standard operating procedure in the case of school closing. It is almost a total waste of time, particularly for board members. The speakers stress that the closing is traumatic for those at the schools, which everyone probably assumed already. The almost never offer any information that would challenge the analysis that led to those schools being placed on the list (as the result of low enrollment and poor achievement ranks mostly).
I happened to tune into a short section of the hearing on my way home from teaching a class. It all seemed very familiar, very predictable, and very depressing. There were a couple of oddments: according to one speaker, the school board was closing schools and building prisons. Another speaker against a school closing appeared to be married to the administrator in charge of the closings.
So far as I could tell, no one suggested a better way of identifying schools for closing. Yet by keeping all schools open, all schools will have fewer resources.
Sunday, November 19, 2006
Sunday, November 12, 2006
Big changes in works?
Under the dramatic headline, Big MPS changes may be in works: civic leaders team up with school officials to create long-term strategy, the Journal Sentinel reports on a new effort by MPS, the Greater Milwaukee Committee, and the MTEA. It is not clear exactly what the effort will be doing, but my initial cynical reaction is that this sort of thing has been attempted a number of times before (sometimes with my involvement) but has never been especially successful.
I hope I am wrong.
The broad mandate, to do strategic planning, is not particularly reassuring. That implies months of meetings and uncertainty, leading to a set of mushy consensus goals. At worst, these efforts are aimed at subverting the responsibility of the school board to set policy. I would be much more reassured if the group were to look at specific issues, such as identifying strategies for the bottom-performing schools.
I hope I am wrong.
The broad mandate, to do strategic planning, is not particularly reassuring. That implies months of meetings and uncertainty, leading to a set of mushy consensus goals. At worst, these efforts are aimed at subverting the responsibility of the school board to set policy. I would be much more reassured if the group were to look at specific issues, such as identifying strategies for the bottom-performing schools.
MPS and health care
The New York Times has an article based on interviews with about half the incoming senators and congressmen. A surprisingly common theme is the need for health care reform, including national insurance.
Generally I have been critical when MPS board members try to drag MPS into issues, like the Iraq war, that go beyond education. But the health crisis directly impinges on MPS's ability to accomplish its mission. I would like to see MPS take a leadership role in reforming health care both in Wisconsin and the nation (as well as look at alternatives to its present plan).
First the major cause of the financial squeeze on MPS is the high and growing cost of health insurance. As presently constituted the health care system has major incentives for shifting costs on to generous providers, such as MPS. Second, many MPS students and families do not have insurance. Health worries can affect education. MPS has worked to find ways of serving its students but that should not be the responsibility of a school system.
Generally I have been critical when MPS board members try to drag MPS into issues, like the Iraq war, that go beyond education. But the health crisis directly impinges on MPS's ability to accomplish its mission. I would like to see MPS take a leadership role in reforming health care both in Wisconsin and the nation (as well as look at alternatives to its present plan).
First the major cause of the financial squeeze on MPS is the high and growing cost of health insurance. As presently constituted the health care system has major incentives for shifting costs on to generous providers, such as MPS. Second, many MPS students and families do not have insurance. Health worries can affect education. MPS has worked to find ways of serving its students but that should not be the responsibility of a school system.
Does MPS have a future in vocational education
A recent article reported on a new program to train adults in welding, held at the former North Division High School. Oddly, there is no mention of MPS or what happened to North's welding program. Similarly a front-page article today reports on a Public Policy Forum report slamming the city for its development efforts, particularly the neglect of workforce development. Again there is no mention of MPS. It appears that MPS has become irrelevant to preparing people for the workforce.
Ten years ago, when I first ran for the Milwaukee school board, I prepared a flyer lifting five goals I hoped to accomplish. One--allow high schools to apply admissions standards--was completely accomplished. Despite controversy and opposition at the time, there has been no effort to role it back. Three others enjoyed considerable progress--add more specialty schools, move decision making from the central bureaucracy to schools and parents, and identify and eliminate wasteful spending--although more remains to be done.
The fifth, however, was a complete failure--restore Milwaukee's leadership in vocational education. This failure hurts Milwaukee students who miss out on good jobs. It also hurts Milwaukee's economic future if companies cannot find skilled workers.
The reasons that vocational education is so difficult to promote in MPS is not totally clear to me, but stems partly from a culture that only values college, from the economics of shop classes, and from a seniority system that does not recognize experience in the trades.
My guess is that leadership in this area will have to come from somewhere else than MPS. For example, the mechanisms are in place for a charter school sponsored by MATC, a trade union, or an industry group.
Ten years ago, when I first ran for the Milwaukee school board, I prepared a flyer lifting five goals I hoped to accomplish. One--allow high schools to apply admissions standards--was completely accomplished. Despite controversy and opposition at the time, there has been no effort to role it back. Three others enjoyed considerable progress--add more specialty schools, move decision making from the central bureaucracy to schools and parents, and identify and eliminate wasteful spending--although more remains to be done.
The fifth, however, was a complete failure--restore Milwaukee's leadership in vocational education. This failure hurts Milwaukee students who miss out on good jobs. It also hurts Milwaukee's economic future if companies cannot find skilled workers.
The reasons that vocational education is so difficult to promote in MPS is not totally clear to me, but stems partly from a culture that only values college, from the economics of shop classes, and from a seniority system that does not recognize experience in the trades.
My guess is that leadership in this area will have to come from somewhere else than MPS. For example, the mechanisms are in place for a charter school sponsored by MATC, a trade union, or an industry group.
Goodbye to ideology?
While I don't wish to compete with the many post mortems on this Tuesday's election, for me one of the most gratifying results is the apparent rejection of ideologues on both sides of the political spectrum. By ideologue I mean someone who believes that there is only one correct set of beliefs about most major issues, and that those who disagree with those beliefs are not only mistaken but at best dupes and at worst evil.
I had my own run-ins with ideologues, generally of the leftward persuasion, while serving on the Milwaukee school board a few years ago. On a number of issues, there was simply no room for discussion. Most notable was the question of vouchers that would allow low income kids to attend private schools. But other only slightly less emotional issues were busing (theoretically for integration) and standardized tests. It is certainly possible to have a serious discussion of the pros and cons of any of the issues, but members of this group wanted none of that. (In fairness, right-wing ideologues weren't entirely absent; a candidate questionnaire asked only one question--whether I agreed with the Supreme Court's decision in Roe v. Wade. It is hard to think of any issue less relevant to decisions of a school board.)
The Bush administration and the congress that enabled it reflect the dangers of government by ideologues. Sharing the right "conservative" beliefs seems to have been far more important than competence or honesty. This was compounded by the stress on loyalty and efforts to intimadate critics. Rather than relishing discussion and argument they created an intellectual wasteland in which those who might challenge their actions were driven out or marginalized, as moderate Republicans came to discover.
While the Bush administration tried to win by narrowing its ideological base, the Democrats succeeded by broadening theirs, recruiting an ideologically diverse group of candidates. While the heretic burners on the left are still active, the two attempts at purges I am aware of--against Joe Lieberman in Connecticut and Jeff Plale here in Wisconsin--ultimately failed.
So both for the way the Republicans lost and the way Democrats won, I think there are hopes for us pragmatists. But we will see what lessons are taken from the election.
I had my own run-ins with ideologues, generally of the leftward persuasion, while serving on the Milwaukee school board a few years ago. On a number of issues, there was simply no room for discussion. Most notable was the question of vouchers that would allow low income kids to attend private schools. But other only slightly less emotional issues were busing (theoretically for integration) and standardized tests. It is certainly possible to have a serious discussion of the pros and cons of any of the issues, but members of this group wanted none of that. (In fairness, right-wing ideologues weren't entirely absent; a candidate questionnaire asked only one question--whether I agreed with the Supreme Court's decision in Roe v. Wade. It is hard to think of any issue less relevant to decisions of a school board.)
The Bush administration and the congress that enabled it reflect the dangers of government by ideologues. Sharing the right "conservative" beliefs seems to have been far more important than competence or honesty. This was compounded by the stress on loyalty and efforts to intimadate critics. Rather than relishing discussion and argument they created an intellectual wasteland in which those who might challenge their actions were driven out or marginalized, as moderate Republicans came to discover.
While the Bush administration tried to win by narrowing its ideological base, the Democrats succeeded by broadening theirs, recruiting an ideologically diverse group of candidates. While the heretic burners on the left are still active, the two attempts at purges I am aware of--against Joe Lieberman in Connecticut and Jeff Plale here in Wisconsin--ultimately failed.
So both for the way the Republicans lost and the way Democrats won, I think there are hopes for us pragmatists. But we will see what lessons are taken from the election.
Tuesday, October 31, 2006
Journal editorial on education and governor's race
Monday's Journal Sentinel had an interesting editorial comparing Gov. Jim Doyle and challenger Mark Green on education. It did a useful job of summarizing the differences between the two candidates (presumably the always-perceptive Greg Stanford played a major role), generally preferring Doyle.
Green has endorsed the so-called 65% solution, apparently raising the mandate so that 70% of education money would have to be spent in the classroom. While appealing on the surface, it is not clear that this proposal would actually improve education. It seems likely that the differences reported by districts in the percentage going to classrooms may have more to do with differing accounting systems and definitions than a genuine concentration on classroom resources. So far, attempts to find a connection between this figure and achievement have been unsuccessful. Depending upon how classroom spending is defined, the proposal could force resources away from areas with potentially higher impact on student achievement to those with less (for example, from school libraries to driver's education). Thus the proposal becomes one more mandate, telling schools how to do things, but disconnected from outcomes.
Another issue discussed in the editorial is that of vouchers. Clearly Green is a much stronger supporter than Doyle. As the editorial points out, Doyle tried to leverage expansion of the voucher enrollment to expansion of class size reduction. Doyle's relatively neutral position on school choice, while earning the enmity of some choice supporters, is probably as far as a Democratic governor could go, reflected by the fact that the compromise he negotiated was supported by only four Democratic legislators.
Green has endorsed the so-called 65% solution, apparently raising the mandate so that 70% of education money would have to be spent in the classroom. While appealing on the surface, it is not clear that this proposal would actually improve education. It seems likely that the differences reported by districts in the percentage going to classrooms may have more to do with differing accounting systems and definitions than a genuine concentration on classroom resources. So far, attempts to find a connection between this figure and achievement have been unsuccessful. Depending upon how classroom spending is defined, the proposal could force resources away from areas with potentially higher impact on student achievement to those with less (for example, from school libraries to driver's education). Thus the proposal becomes one more mandate, telling schools how to do things, but disconnected from outcomes.
Another issue discussed in the editorial is that of vouchers. Clearly Green is a much stronger supporter than Doyle. As the editorial points out, Doyle tried to leverage expansion of the voucher enrollment to expansion of class size reduction. Doyle's relatively neutral position on school choice, while earning the enmity of some choice supporters, is probably as far as a Democratic governor could go, reflected by the fact that the compromise he negotiated was supported by only four Democratic legislators.
Thursday, October 26, 2006
A disappointing Borsuk article
The surprisingly biased headline "MPS doesn't pass along savings: tax boost comes despite budgetary windfalls" sets the tone of a news article by Alan Borsuk attacking an MPS decision to put savings into classrooms. This article is disappointing, particularly coming from the usually thoughtful and fair-minded Borsuk.
While the MPS decision is difficult politically, it is the responsible one. MPS schools have been operating under an increasing squeeze caused mainly by benefit costs that have continued to rise faster than either inflation in general or the state spending caps. Finding savings in non-classroom areas and putting them into classrooms seems exactly the right strategy to ease that squeeze.
In addition, the state spending limits have a ratchet effect. Thus a decision to spend under the limit has the effect of making the squeeze in future years even worse.
Finally, it might be noted that this is in part a good news/bad news story. Taxes are rising in part because state aid decreased (bad news). But aid decreased in part because property values have continued to increase more in Milwaukee than elsewhere--good news because that reflects the increasing attractiveness of Milwaukee. And certainly improvements in MPS have played their part.
While the MPS decision is difficult politically, it is the responsible one. MPS schools have been operating under an increasing squeeze caused mainly by benefit costs that have continued to rise faster than either inflation in general or the state spending caps. Finding savings in non-classroom areas and putting them into classrooms seems exactly the right strategy to ease that squeeze.
In addition, the state spending limits have a ratchet effect. Thus a decision to spend under the limit has the effect of making the squeeze in future years even worse.
Finally, it might be noted that this is in part a good news/bad news story. Taxes are rising in part because state aid decreased (bad news). But aid decreased in part because property values have continued to increase more in Milwaukee than elsewhere--good news because that reflects the increasing attractiveness of Milwaukee. And certainly improvements in MPS have played their part.
Wednesday, October 04, 2006
The challenges and accomplishments of giving families choices
Opponents of school choice sometimes accuse its supporters of believing that choice is a panacea for all the problems of American education. Of course it is not. At best, choice, broadly construed to include vouchers, charter schools, and increased flexibility within the regular Milwaukee public schools, offers opportunities--opportunities to try new models. Some of these experiments will fail. An article in tomorrow's Journal Sentinel reports an MPS charter school, Expressions School of Inter-Arts and Communication, asked to be closed after only four weeks of operations because two teachers had left. The opportunity to try new approaches does not guarantee success.
But there have been successes, mostly undramatic and therefore unreported. A recent article is a happy exception, reporting a study of students at Craig Montessori School comparing those who were accepted in the lottery to those rejected. It found, in the words of the article, "that Montessori students might be better prepared academically and socially than students in traditional classrooms." In recent years there has been a healthy increase in the number of Montessori schools in Milwaukee in response to public demand. I am on the board of Downtown Montessori Academy, a city charter school. The outside evaluators note that the average second grader last year read at a fifth grade level.
I believe, however, that a major impact of increased choices may have gone unanalyzed and unreported. Under the title, "City sets pace in home values," the Journal Sentinel reported that the five-year increase in Milwaukee home values exceeds that of either the state or the suburbs, according to a new Census Bureau report. It appears that this increase has occurred across the city rather than been limited to East Side and Third Ward condos aimed at empty nesters and others without school-age children. I would hope that some social scientist will study the connection between this phenomenon and the growth in the choices of schools. Among other things, such a study could look at the values of houses designed for families and values in comparable city and suburban neighborhoods.
Keeping a perspective on the advantages and limitations of giving choices becomes more difficult because of the stridency of partisans on both sides. Recent articles report on a series of attack adds against Governor Doyle sponsored by a pro-voucher group called All Children Matter. Ironically Doyle has been ahead of his party in allowing the voucher program to expand in Milwaukee. If nothing else, these ads will likely make it more difficult for Democrats to support school choice, therefore playing into the hands of hard-line choice opponents.
But there have been successes, mostly undramatic and therefore unreported. A recent article is a happy exception, reporting a study of students at Craig Montessori School comparing those who were accepted in the lottery to those rejected. It found, in the words of the article, "that Montessori students might be better prepared academically and socially than students in traditional classrooms." In recent years there has been a healthy increase in the number of Montessori schools in Milwaukee in response to public demand. I am on the board of Downtown Montessori Academy, a city charter school. The outside evaluators note that the average second grader last year read at a fifth grade level.
I believe, however, that a major impact of increased choices may have gone unanalyzed and unreported. Under the title, "City sets pace in home values," the Journal Sentinel reported that the five-year increase in Milwaukee home values exceeds that of either the state or the suburbs, according to a new Census Bureau report. It appears that this increase has occurred across the city rather than been limited to East Side and Third Ward condos aimed at empty nesters and others without school-age children. I would hope that some social scientist will study the connection between this phenomenon and the growth in the choices of schools. Among other things, such a study could look at the values of houses designed for families and values in comparable city and suburban neighborhoods.
Keeping a perspective on the advantages and limitations of giving choices becomes more difficult because of the stridency of partisans on both sides. Recent articles report on a series of attack adds against Governor Doyle sponsored by a pro-voucher group called All Children Matter. Ironically Doyle has been ahead of his party in allowing the voucher program to expand in Milwaukee. If nothing else, these ads will likely make it more difficult for Democrats to support school choice, therefore playing into the hands of hard-line choice opponents.
Tuesday, September 19, 2006
The end of fuzzy math?
In 1989 the National Council of Teachers of Mathematics issued new guidelines for teaching math. Among their critics the guidelines were dubbed "fuzzy math" and set off the math wars. The NCTM guidelines were endorsed by the National Science Foundation, the American Association for the Advancement of Science, and, for a time, the US Department of Education. With National Science Foundation grants, a number of textbooks were developed using the guidelines, including those adopted by most schools in MPS.
Several factors seem to have influenced the NCTM guidelines. With the widespread availability of calculators, it was argued that students no longer needed to memorized addition and multiplication or learn the mechanics of math. Instead they would concentrate on gaining a deeper understanding of math. The guidelines were also influenced by a philosophy sometimes called "constructivism," that they learn when they construct their own model, rather than simply accepting what their teacher says.
Texts written around the NCTM seem to have a number of characteristics in common. Compared to traditional math books, they tend to be wordy with relatively little math, reflecting both their aversion to exercises (derided as "rote learning") and their desire to encourage students to discover the principals for themselves. They offer alternative ways of adding, subtracting, multiplying, and dividing, apparently on the principal both that the choice should be up to the student and that in any case the choice is not particularly important since the heavy lifting is now done by calculators. Their explanations are often missing or confusing, again reflecting a desire to avoid dictating to the student.
As a recent New York Times editorial observed, the NCTM has just reversed itself, saying that the basic skills are important after all. This is good news for American students, but how good depends upon how much change actually takes place.
In many ways fuzzy math is reminiscent of "whole language" in reading. Both were developed and widely adopted with no field testing or research base. Both resulting in large measure from a feeling that traditional teaching was overly structured and discouraged creativity. When challenged, defenders of each adopted an ideological defense, accusing critics of having a conservative agenda. And both eventually fell because they could not produce results.
Another parallel is less encouraging for the future. When whole language went out of repute because of research that clearly showed the benefits of teaching the structure of language, the name disappeared. But many believe whole language continues to be widespread under the alias of balanced literacy. Already many advocates of fuzzy math are claiming that they always taught basic skills.
Several factors seem to have influenced the NCTM guidelines. With the widespread availability of calculators, it was argued that students no longer needed to memorized addition and multiplication or learn the mechanics of math. Instead they would concentrate on gaining a deeper understanding of math. The guidelines were also influenced by a philosophy sometimes called "constructivism," that they learn when they construct their own model, rather than simply accepting what their teacher says.
Texts written around the NCTM seem to have a number of characteristics in common. Compared to traditional math books, they tend to be wordy with relatively little math, reflecting both their aversion to exercises (derided as "rote learning") and their desire to encourage students to discover the principals for themselves. They offer alternative ways of adding, subtracting, multiplying, and dividing, apparently on the principal both that the choice should be up to the student and that in any case the choice is not particularly important since the heavy lifting is now done by calculators. Their explanations are often missing or confusing, again reflecting a desire to avoid dictating to the student.
As a recent New York Times editorial observed, the NCTM has just reversed itself, saying that the basic skills are important after all. This is good news for American students, but how good depends upon how much change actually takes place.
In many ways fuzzy math is reminiscent of "whole language" in reading. Both were developed and widely adopted with no field testing or research base. Both resulting in large measure from a feeling that traditional teaching was overly structured and discouraged creativity. When challenged, defenders of each adopted an ideological defense, accusing critics of having a conservative agenda. And both eventually fell because they could not produce results.
Another parallel is less encouraging for the future. When whole language went out of repute because of research that clearly showed the benefits of teaching the structure of language, the name disappeared. But many believe whole language continues to be widespread under the alias of balanced literacy. Already many advocates of fuzzy math are claiming that they always taught basic skills.
Tuesday, September 05, 2006
The disappearing librarians
This morning's paper has an article about the increasing number of Milwaukee public schools with no librarians (often called "media specialists") on the premise. This has been a long-running issue, with a small but well-organized group of librarians demanding that every school have one.
While it is hard to argue against having librarians, the campaign runs up against several problems. A school forced to add a librarian must then cut somewhere else to balance its budget. Presumably this may be a teacher, unless the librarian does double duty as both a teacher and a librarian.
It is not evident that having a librarian makes a difference in student outcomes. The last I looked, I could not find a difference in outcomes between those schools with librarians and those without. Perhaps if we had information on how well the librarian was integrated into the school's educational program, we could find a measurable difference.
While it is hard to argue against having librarians, the campaign runs up against several problems. A school forced to add a librarian must then cut somewhere else to balance its budget. Presumably this may be a teacher, unless the librarian does double duty as both a teacher and a librarian.
It is not evident that having a librarian makes a difference in student outcomes. The last I looked, I could not find a difference in outcomes between those schools with librarians and those without. Perhaps if we had information on how well the librarian was integrated into the school's educational program, we could find a measurable difference.
Tuesday, July 18, 2006
Public vs. Private Schools
A recent federally-sponsored report comparing scores on NAEP tests (National Assessment of Educational Progress)for public and private school students has received considerable attention, particularly by those opposed to school choice programs. By issuing the report on Friday afternoon, generally considered the best time to bury embarrassing news, the Bush education department gave credence to the notion that the report undermined school choice.
In essence, the report found little significance difference between results at the two groups of schools when adjusted for measured student characteristics, although generally the private schools did better before the adjustment was made.
This result should not be especially surprising. Controlling for student demographics certainly helps in making a fairer comparison. But one question left unanswered is which students within a democraphic group get sent to private schools. Are they the most able students whose parents are looking for a more competitive environment? Or are they struggling in public school and have parents who are desparately searching for an alternative, as seemed to be true of many participants in the Milwaukee choice program? Unfortunately with NAEP data there is no information on students' previous performance.
In essence, the report found little significance difference between results at the two groups of schools when adjusted for measured student characteristics, although generally the private schools did better before the adjustment was made.
This result should not be especially surprising. Controlling for student demographics certainly helps in making a fairer comparison. But one question left unanswered is which students within a democraphic group get sent to private schools. Are they the most able students whose parents are looking for a more competitive environment? Or are they struggling in public school and have parents who are desparately searching for an alternative, as seemed to be true of many participants in the Milwaukee choice program? Unfortunately with NAEP data there is no information on students' previous performance.
Saturday, July 01, 2006
More control on lower performing schools
Under the somewhat misleading headline, "MPS to take back control of teaching," this morning's Journal Sentinel reports that a number of low performing schools will be required to give "60 to 90 minutes a day on reading and 30 to 45 minutes on math" under the direction of the administration. Despite the rather sweeping headline, it appears that only 19 schools are covered by this program.
The schools were chosen based both on low test scores and low growth on scores by individual students from one year to the next. Including the latter measure makes it less likely that schools were singled out just because they served academically needy students. Even if students start low, their scores should improve over time.
The article says little about how the central administration hopes to improve skills in reading and math, and that is a concern. Picking effective reading and math programs has not been an MPS strength in the past. Perhaps the best approach would be to try a variety of programs and carefully monitor which ones work with the target population. The article does note that MPS intends to intensively monitor student progress. Ideally the central administration will apply the same tests of effectiveness to its own programs as to the schools.
The schools were chosen based both on low test scores and low growth on scores by individual students from one year to the next. Including the latter measure makes it less likely that schools were singled out just because they served academically needy students. Even if students start low, their scores should improve over time.
The article says little about how the central administration hopes to improve skills in reading and math, and that is a concern. Picking effective reading and math programs has not been an MPS strength in the past. Perhaps the best approach would be to try a variety of programs and carefully monitor which ones work with the target population. The article does note that MPS intends to intensively monitor student progress. Ideally the central administration will apply the same tests of effectiveness to its own programs as to the schools.
Tuesday, June 27, 2006
Charters and the school board
One way of defining the divisions on the Milwaukee school board is to look at their positions on charter schools. One group is strongly supportive of expanded charters. The other, in part reflecting opposition to charters from their teachers' union supporters, are much more suspicious of charter schools.
Ironically when it comes to holding charter schools accountable, the roles usually reverse. This is reflected in an article in this morning's Journal Sentinel about a committee meeting on the administration's proposal to end the charter for something called the Truth Institute for Leadership and Service. According to the article, strong charter supporters Danny Goldberg and Ken Johnson voted to terminate the contract, while charter skeptics Jennifer Morales and Charlene Hardin wanted to give it one more year.
Perhaps there is some logic to this apparent role reversal. If one believes strongly in charter schools, one wants to make sure they are successful. If one does not, then success or failure are less important.
Ironically when it comes to holding charter schools accountable, the roles usually reverse. This is reflected in an article in this morning's Journal Sentinel about a committee meeting on the administration's proposal to end the charter for something called the Truth Institute for Leadership and Service. According to the article, strong charter supporters Danny Goldberg and Ken Johnson voted to terminate the contract, while charter skeptics Jennifer Morales and Charlene Hardin wanted to give it one more year.
Perhaps there is some logic to this apparent role reversal. If one believes strongly in charter schools, one wants to make sure they are successful. If one does not, then success or failure are less important.
Sunday, June 11, 2006
Alan Borsuk has a detailed, interesting, and rather depressing series on what goes on in the Milwaukee Public Schools, particularly the heavy number of students who are unmotivated. It appears that the majority of schools have not figure out how they can demand commitment from their students. Students at private schools know there are certain expectations; not meeting these expectations can lead to expulsion. Perhaps a start for MPS schools would be to decide on the consequences for students who do not meet their obligations.
Thursday, June 08, 2006
J-S Article on Morales
An article in this morning's paper, MPS board member Morales comes out as a lesbian, refers to a post in this blog, one of several profiles of school board members published in 2004 prior to the last election. For the original post, click here.
Sunday, June 04, 2006
The Washington Consensus
One of the ironies of the No Child Left Behind act is that it sets basic requirements on how many students in a school need to be considered proficient, but then gives proficiency-setting authority to the states. As more than one commentator has pointed out, if a state wishes to avoid having lots of schools declared failing this creates an incentive for states to set the standards low. According to a report from an organization called Education Sector, Wisconsin has played this game particularly skillfully, better than any other state. (Click here for a Journal-Sentinel article on this report.)
A recent commentary describes the "Washington Consensus" on education. According to the authors, the Washington Consensus has three big ideas:
By emphasizing gaps, does it encourage neglect of the best students? For example, a school where 100% of the white students and 80% of the black students are proficient has a wider gap than one where 50% of each race is proficient. By putting such emphasis on the school's responsibility, does it deemphasize the student's responsibility for his or her education? In its emphasis on penalizing schools, will it discourage the best educators from working at schools likely to be at risk?
Perhaps it is time for a more nuanced version of the Washington Consensus. It could emphasis the absolute achievement of all students. It could use the massive amount of data being collected to start to break out the effect of schools on achievement. It might recognize that asking states to set proficiency levels is silly: the educational requirements for success do not vary from state to state. Until that is done, I am not sure that Wisconsin game-playing is all that important.
The indignation reflected in the report
A recent commentary describes the "Washington Consensus" on education. According to the authors, the Washington Consensus has three big ideas:
- The most important goal is closing racial and economic achievement gaps.
- Schools can overcome the challenges of poverty.
- External pressure and tough accountability are critical to school improvement.
By emphasizing gaps, does it encourage neglect of the best students? For example, a school where 100% of the white students and 80% of the black students are proficient has a wider gap than one where 50% of each race is proficient. By putting such emphasis on the school's responsibility, does it deemphasize the student's responsibility for his or her education? In its emphasis on penalizing schools, will it discourage the best educators from working at schools likely to be at risk?
Perhaps it is time for a more nuanced version of the Washington Consensus. It could emphasis the absolute achievement of all students. It could use the massive amount of data being collected to start to break out the effect of schools on achievement. It might recognize that asking states to set proficiency levels is silly: the educational requirements for success do not vary from state to state. Until that is done, I am not sure that Wisconsin game-playing is all that important.
The indignation reflected in the report
More math wars
I recently came across the Project 2061 evaluations of middle school math curricula on the web site of the American Association for the Advancement of Science (AAAS). It is clear from these that AAAS has chosen to take sides in the so-called math wars. The textbooks rated excellent, such as Connected Math (widely used in MPS), all seem to stem from a series of standards first promulgated by the National Council of Teachers of Mathematics (NCTM) and later embraced by the National Science Foundation. Programs preferred by critics of the NCTM standards, such as Saxon, are rated much lower.
It is puzzling why the AAAS, the country's largest scientific organization has decided to take sides in this war. Recently there has been a disturbing tendency among much of the public
and members of our national administration to discount the findings of science, whether on global warming, evolution, stem cell research, or a host of other issues. In each of these cases, perhaps the most telling charge by the critics is that the scientists acting as ideological
advocates rather than on the basis of the evidence.
Unfortunately, the scientific evidence is not available concerning which type of mathematics curriculum leads to better outcomes. An analysis in 2004 by the National Research Council of 147 studies, 75 of which were of curricula supported by the NSF, concluded that these studies did "not permit one to determine the effectiveness of individual programs with a high degree of certainty." Similarly, reports by the What Works Clearinghouse on middle school mathematics programs leaves the reader unable to say whether one program is more effective than another.
My impression is that programs like Connected Math are based much more on an underlying philosophy of how students learn mathematics than any empirical research on effectiveness. It appears that the students believe that students: don't like math, need to be convinced it is relevant, learn best when they discover the principals for themselves rather than having them explained, and that there is no best way for students to add, subtract, multiply, and divide. (This latter assumption leads to a daunting array of alternative techniques.) When good research is finally done, I suspect it may show that the programs work for students to whom these assumptions apply but that for many others the results are disappointing.
It is puzzling why the AAAS, the country's largest scientific organization has decided to take sides in this war. Recently there has been a disturbing tendency among much of the public
and members of our national administration to discount the findings of science, whether on global warming, evolution, stem cell research, or a host of other issues. In each of these cases, perhaps the most telling charge by the critics is that the scientists acting as ideological
advocates rather than on the basis of the evidence.
Unfortunately, the scientific evidence is not available concerning which type of mathematics curriculum leads to better outcomes. An analysis in 2004 by the National Research Council of 147 studies, 75 of which were of curricula supported by the NSF, concluded that these studies did "not permit one to determine the effectiveness of individual programs with a high degree of certainty." Similarly, reports by the What Works Clearinghouse on middle school mathematics programs leaves the reader unable to say whether one program is more effective than another.
My impression is that programs like Connected Math are based much more on an underlying philosophy of how students learn mathematics than any empirical research on effectiveness. It appears that the students believe that students: don't like math, need to be convinced it is relevant, learn best when they discover the principals for themselves rather than having them explained, and that there is no best way for students to add, subtract, multiply, and divide. (This latter assumption leads to a daunting array of alternative techniques.) When good research is finally done, I suspect it may show that the programs work for students to whom these assumptions apply but that for many others the results are disappointing.
Saturday, May 27, 2006
Do proficiency levels give useful information?
Wisconsin has finally released its test scores from last year, described in an article in the Journal Sentinel. One odd headline--which I cannot find on-line: "Some schools above average." I would guess that about half were above average.
The tests were changed sufficiently this year that the Department of Public Instruction felt the need to reset the proficiency levels. The way they did this apparently is to take all the test scores and then set the cut off point between proficiency levels so that the same percentage of students would be in each category as last year. This seems like an efficient way to do it but begs the question of whether students are doing better or worse.
I think proficiency levels are a pretty poor way of reporting test scores. First it is not at all clear what they mean. Proficiency for what? With many jobs it is possible to define a needed level of competence, but it is not clear what should be the standard for students. The aim of most education is to prepare the student for more education. Thus the percentage of students at a given proficiency level may tell more about the people setting the levels than about the students. A recent comparison of NAEP and state proficiency standards, based on a comparison of the percentage of students judged proficient on the two exams, found huge variations between states. Wisconsin rated near the bottom with a C- compared to Massachusetts with an A. Similarly the frequently repeated comment that students do worse in high school than elementary school cannot be shown using proficiency levels. It is just as likely that the explanation lies in who sits on the committee setting the cut offs; at the high school level the members are likely to included teachers who specialize in the subject and therefore are more demanding.
A second problem is rating schools by the percentage proficient creates bad incentives. Rather than work to improve every student's score, the incentive is to concentrate on those students who are close to the cut off point. This may contribute to the common complaint of parents of able students that their children don't feel challenged.
There are a number of ways that test scores can help find out how students are doing and encourage improvement. One is to compare individual students' scores from one year to the next to make sure each student is progressing. Another is to make comparison between schools, locally to internationally (international comparisons do seem to show that American students fall further behind the longer they are in school). Finally, test scores can be used to search for factors, such as particular curricula, that affect learning.
The tests were changed sufficiently this year that the Department of Public Instruction felt the need to reset the proficiency levels. The way they did this apparently is to take all the test scores and then set the cut off point between proficiency levels so that the same percentage of students would be in each category as last year. This seems like an efficient way to do it but begs the question of whether students are doing better or worse.
I think proficiency levels are a pretty poor way of reporting test scores. First it is not at all clear what they mean. Proficiency for what? With many jobs it is possible to define a needed level of competence, but it is not clear what should be the standard for students. The aim of most education is to prepare the student for more education. Thus the percentage of students at a given proficiency level may tell more about the people setting the levels than about the students. A recent comparison of NAEP and state proficiency standards, based on a comparison of the percentage of students judged proficient on the two exams, found huge variations between states. Wisconsin rated near the bottom with a C- compared to Massachusetts with an A. Similarly the frequently repeated comment that students do worse in high school than elementary school cannot be shown using proficiency levels. It is just as likely that the explanation lies in who sits on the committee setting the cut offs; at the high school level the members are likely to included teachers who specialize in the subject and therefore are more demanding.
A second problem is rating schools by the percentage proficient creates bad incentives. Rather than work to improve every student's score, the incentive is to concentrate on those students who are close to the cut off point. This may contribute to the common complaint of parents of able students that their children don't feel challenged.
There are a number of ways that test scores can help find out how students are doing and encourage improvement. One is to compare individual students' scores from one year to the next to make sure each student is progressing. Another is to make comparison between schools, locally to internationally (international comparisons do seem to show that American students fall further behind the longer they are in school). Finally, test scores can be used to search for factors, such as particular curricula, that affect learning.
Sunday, May 07, 2006
Schools facing more scrutiny
Two recent articles (here and here) reported that some MPS schools have been singled out for intervention based both on low overall test scores and low scores on the district's value-added measurements. These schools would have a district-appointed "instructional facilitator."
This move is the first time there have been real repercussions from poor test-score results. Low enrollment, rather than low achievement, has led to schools closing or having their budgets cut, although presumably a reputation for poor achievement could hurt enrollment. Ideally this move will help schools focus more strongly on figuring out how to help student achievement.
Neither article discusses the approach the facilitators will take. This could be crucial. Too often, districts have pursued approaches that have not been shown to be effective.
This move is the first time there have been real repercussions from poor test-score results. Low enrollment, rather than low achievement, has led to schools closing or having their budgets cut, although presumably a reputation for poor achievement could hurt enrollment. Ideally this move will help schools focus more strongly on figuring out how to help student achievement.
Neither article discusses the approach the facilitators will take. This could be crucial. Too often, districts have pursued approaches that have not been shown to be effective.
Sunday, April 30, 2006
Milwaukee property values rise again
Property values continue to rise within the city of Milwaukee, apparently at a higher rate than those in the suburbs. It appears that city schools have lost much of their depressing effect on property values. This does not mean that all the schools are in good shape, just that parents have so many choices they need not avoid a neighborhood because they don't like the school.
I continue to feel that a study of the relationship between schools and property values would be valuable. One complicating factor in such a study, however, is that there is unlikely to be a direct relationship between schools and property values in the immediate area of the schools, again because of the wealth of choices parents have.
It is also very likely that property values in the city still lag between those of similar property outside despite recent percentage gains, simply because city values have fallen so far behind.
I continue to feel that a study of the relationship between schools and property values would be valuable. One complicating factor in such a study, however, is that there is unlikely to be a direct relationship between schools and property values in the immediate area of the schools, again because of the wealth of choices parents have.
It is also very likely that property values in the city still lag between those of similar property outside despite recent percentage gains, simply because city values have fallen so far behind.
Accrediting Choice schools
The recent law raising the enrollment caps for the voucher program also requires that the schools be accredited. Clearly there was a need to have someone looking over the schools' shoulder and making sure they have the basics in place. Yet I had some skepticism about the accreditation approach. Based on my experience with university accreditation, I am not convinced that, as practiced, accreditation has much value to students. Typically the accreditation process involves a lot of effort and money for the institution and tends to push colleges towards a single dominant model.
I was pleased, then, to find that the legislation offers the schools a choice of accrediting agencies, from the conventional ones to two Milwaukee-based organizations, PAVE and Marquette's Institute for the Transformation of Learning, both experienced with both good and bad choice schools. A recent article quotes Howard Fuller of the ITL as saying that the emphasis will be on student achievement. A particular challenge will be how to evaluate start up schools with no record to judge achievement.
I think the legislation sets a nice balance between the need to weed out the schools born to fail and the desirability to avoid a single gatekeeper.
I was pleased, then, to find that the legislation offers the schools a choice of accrediting agencies, from the conventional ones to two Milwaukee-based organizations, PAVE and Marquette's Institute for the Transformation of Learning, both experienced with both good and bad choice schools. A recent article quotes Howard Fuller of the ITL as saying that the emphasis will be on student achievement. A particular challenge will be how to evaluate start up schools with no record to judge achievement.
I think the legislation sets a nice balance between the need to weed out the schools born to fail and the desirability to avoid a single gatekeeper.
More for our school
An article in the Journal-Sentinel last Tuesday described the effort of some parents at the Milwaukee High School of the Arts to convince the school board and the administration to give their school more money. The trouble is that this group's idea of where the money would come from did not go beyond taking it from other schools.
In the past, MPS gave different schools different amount of funds per student. There seemed to be no logical explanation for the difference other than history and politics. It appeared that certain schools had particular clout at one time or another.
There are several reasons why the school board may be reluctant to return to this earlier practice, including equity and opening the door to being lobbied by every school in the district. In addition, varying the payments makes opening new schools much harder, since the payment itself becomes an issue for negotiations.
I would hope that the parents and staff members lobbying for taking money from other schools for Arts would instead turn their energy and talent towards exploring other options. These might include looking at other buildings, finding out what happened with a recent fund-raising effort, and helping the principal learn to live within a budget.
In the past, MPS gave different schools different amount of funds per student. There seemed to be no logical explanation for the difference other than history and politics. It appeared that certain schools had particular clout at one time or another.
There are several reasons why the school board may be reluctant to return to this earlier practice, including equity and opening the door to being lobbied by every school in the district. In addition, varying the payments makes opening new schools much harder, since the payment itself becomes an issue for negotiations.
I would hope that the parents and staff members lobbying for taking money from other schools for Arts would instead turn their energy and talent towards exploring other options. These might include looking at other buildings, finding out what happened with a recent fund-raising effort, and helping the principal learn to live within a budget.
Thursday, April 20, 2006
Graduation Rates in MPS
A Journal Sentinel article puts the MPS high school graduation rate at 45%, one of the lowest in the U.S. Graduation rates for urban school districts are devilishly difficult to calculate. These claims are based on calculations by Jay Green and his associates at the Manhattan Institute. The Green methodology compares the number of high school graduates with an average of the eighth, ninth, and tenth grade students five, four, and three years earlier, respectively, adjusted for the growth or shrinkage in overall high school population.
This approach probably underestimates the graduation rate in MPS, but it is unclear how much. A significant number of students repeat ninth grade; essentially they are counted in the base as two students, although Green reduces this effect by averaging three grades. If, as I suspect, there is a significant number of students who start high school in MPS but graduate from other schools this would also reduce the calculated graduation rate.
The implication that 55% of the students are out of school with no degree may overstate the situation, but the true number is still too large.
Calculations that depend on following individual students also suffer from problems, but ones that may push the error in the opposite direction. Some number of students stop attending and eventually removed from the school count. But unless they tell MPS, it may be hard to determine whether they dropped out or moved to another school, perhaps in another country. Students who are recorded as transferring to other schools are removed from the count, but in some cases their moving likely reflects that they were doing poorly in MPS; thus the move itself may represent the last step before dropping out.
Finally none of these studies address the issue of the quality of education the graduates received. Did it prepare them for college or the job market?
Update 4/30: a reader points out a hanging sentence in the original post, which was removed.
This approach probably underestimates the graduation rate in MPS, but it is unclear how much. A significant number of students repeat ninth grade; essentially they are counted in the base as two students, although Green reduces this effect by averaging three grades. If, as I suspect, there is a significant number of students who start high school in MPS but graduate from other schools this would also reduce the calculated graduation rate.
The implication that 55% of the students are out of school with no degree may overstate the situation, but the true number is still too large.
Calculations that depend on following individual students also suffer from problems, but ones that may push the error in the opposite direction. Some number of students stop attending and eventually removed from the school count. But unless they tell MPS, it may be hard to determine whether they dropped out or moved to another school, perhaps in another country. Students who are recorded as transferring to other schools are removed from the count, but in some cases their moving likely reflects that they were doing poorly in MPS; thus the move itself may represent the last step before dropping out.
Finally none of these studies address the issue of the quality of education the graduates received. Did it prepare them for college or the job market?
Update 4/30: a reader points out a hanging sentence in the original post, which was removed.
Saturday, April 15, 2006
The cost of choice
In the May issue of Milwaukee Magazine (not available on-line), editor Bruce Murphy has an article criticizing the Milwaukee choice program. It is not clear whether Murphy thinks the program is a bad idea that should be repealed or simply intends to point out some issues that need addressing. In support of the former theory, he throws in a kitchen sink of standard points made by choice opponents: questioning whether parents make good educational decisions, comparing MPS per student spending to that of Nicolet (a high school versus a K-8 system), and blaming MPS financial problems on the choice program (ignoring the devastating impact of health insurance costs).
The substantive issues Murphy raises are largely financial and can be grouped in three categories:
There has been very little discussion so far of Murphy's second two points, particularly the unusual criticism that the voucher payment is too low. I am not aware of any proposals to address them. One possible approach that would address both points is a "weighted student formula." This idea was pioneered in Edmonton and, according to a recent article in Reason magazine, has spread to a number of American school districts. Using a weighted student formula, schools receive funds based on the number of students in various categories times a factor based on the estimated cost of educating students in those categories. Thus schools might receive a bit extra for English learners and more still for various levels of special education needs. (MPS funds schools based on enrollment but special needs are handled as a service rather than extra funding for the schools.)
Using this model, the overall education budget for Milwaukee would be the MPS per student spending times the total number of Milwaukee students, whether in MPS, charters, or voucher schools. But this total amount would be reallocated to the schools based on a weighted student formula. Thus, unlike now, a choice school with children needing special education would receive extra funding. If, however, most such students stayed in MPS, MPS would receive extra funding generated by the choice enrollment.
The substantive issues Murphy raises are largely financial and can be grouped in three categories:
- Milwaukee taxpayers pick up a disproportionate share of the cost of choice tuition.
- The proportion of special education students rises in MPS as other students switch to choice.
- The voucher payment is too low, depressing overall educational spending in Milwaukee.
There has been very little discussion so far of Murphy's second two points, particularly the unusual criticism that the voucher payment is too low. I am not aware of any proposals to address them. One possible approach that would address both points is a "weighted student formula." This idea was pioneered in Edmonton and, according to a recent article in Reason magazine, has spread to a number of American school districts. Using a weighted student formula, schools receive funds based on the number of students in various categories times a factor based on the estimated cost of educating students in those categories. Thus schools might receive a bit extra for English learners and more still for various levels of special education needs. (MPS funds schools based on enrollment but special needs are handled as a service rather than extra funding for the schools.)
Using this model, the overall education budget for Milwaukee would be the MPS per student spending times the total number of Milwaukee students, whether in MPS, charters, or voucher schools. But this total amount would be reallocated to the schools based on a weighted student formula. Thus, unlike now, a choice school with children needing special education would receive extra funding. If, however, most such students stayed in MPS, MPS would receive extra funding generated by the choice enrollment.
Tuesday, March 14, 2006
Is there intelligent life in the Democratic Party?
The Seventh state senate district covers Milwaukee's East Side and Bayview, and the south shore suburbs of Cudahy, South Milwaukee and Oak Creek. Politically these areas differ substantially. One way to view the political variety is to examine the three assembly districts that fit into it:
Politically his positions make the 7th a safe Senate seat for the Democrats. His relative conservatism fits well with the Democratic voters of Bayview and Cudahy, and appeals to wavering Republican as well. For liberal East Siders, he is clearly preferable to anyone likely to win the Republican Primary.
As some Republican moderates also discovered, his real vulnerability is in the primary. Republicans have recognized this. A couple of years ago they launched a recall effort after he voted to uphold one of Governor Doyle's vetoes. Apparently they hoped that a liberal would enter the race against him, splitting the Democratic vote and handing the district to the Republicans. This effort collapsed when the liberals refused to cooperate and instead raised money for Plale.
This year, however, the liberals seem to have decided to play the Republicans' game. They are running a candidate against Plale whose campaign appeals to the Democratic (East Side) base: "The 7th District is traditionally Democratic. Its people deserve a traditional Democrat in the State Senate--a Democrat who will vote like one."
Republican strategists must be delighted. If the effort is successful, it could put the 7th senate seat back into play. Second, even if they don't win the 7th, a purge of Plale could signal to voters who prefer Democrats on environmental or economic issues but disagree on lifestyle issues that they are not welcome in the Democratic Party. This will make it harder for Democrats to pick up the seats they will need to regain control of the legislature.
- The 19th covers the East Side and part of Bayview. It is probably the most predictably liberal district in Milwaukee and is represented by Democrat Jon Richards. In the 2004 election, the Republicans did not bother to field a candidate.
- The 20th covers the rest of Bayview and Cudahy. It is generally considered blue-collar, pro-union Democrat, conservative on life-style issues. It is represented by Democrat Christine Sinicki (a former school board colleague of mine). In the 2004 election, she had a Republican opponent but won easily.
- The 21st consists mostly of Oak Creek and South Milwaukee. It is represented by Republican Mark Honadel. In the 2004 election, there was no Democratic candidate.
Politically his positions make the 7th a safe Senate seat for the Democrats. His relative conservatism fits well with the Democratic voters of Bayview and Cudahy, and appeals to wavering Republican as well. For liberal East Siders, he is clearly preferable to anyone likely to win the Republican Primary.
As some Republican moderates also discovered, his real vulnerability is in the primary. Republicans have recognized this. A couple of years ago they launched a recall effort after he voted to uphold one of Governor Doyle's vetoes. Apparently they hoped that a liberal would enter the race against him, splitting the Democratic vote and handing the district to the Republicans. This effort collapsed when the liberals refused to cooperate and instead raised money for Plale.
This year, however, the liberals seem to have decided to play the Republicans' game. They are running a candidate against Plale whose campaign appeals to the Democratic (East Side) base: "The 7th District is traditionally Democratic. Its people deserve a traditional Democrat in the State Senate--a Democrat who will vote like one."
Republican strategists must be delighted. If the effort is successful, it could put the 7th senate seat back into play. Second, even if they don't win the 7th, a purge of Plale could signal to voters who prefer Democrats on environmental or economic issues but disagree on lifestyle issues that they are not welcome in the Democratic Party. This will make it harder for Democrats to pick up the seats they will need to regain control of the legislature.
Saturday, March 11, 2006
Michael Joyce
While I often disagreed with him, Michael Joyce made Milwaukee more interesting. I think we would be better off if some of the more liberal foundations made the same attempt to develop a strategy of funding. Too often, however, they either support squishy ideas or status quo researchers. One has the sense the left has been drifting since Vietnam, often better on specific issues but lacking a clear vision. Under Joyce, the Bradley Foundation helps shift the idea advantage to the conservative side.
That said, I think Joyce could have been more effective:
That said, I think Joyce could have been more effective:
- Because the Bradley Foundation was so closely tied to the conservative movement, ideas that might be inherently appealing to liberals, such as school choice, could be dismissed simply as part of a plan to destroy public institutions. So this concept is still struggling to get into the mainstream.
- As Bruce Murphy points out this week, Joyce tended to limit his support to a select group of scholars and think tanks, whose results were often easy to predict in advance. Full disclosure: shortly after leaving the MPS board, I received a Bradley Foundation grant through MSOE to look at alternative ways of evaluating schools (abstract here). I was disappointed, however, that the foundation did not seem very interested in the results.
MATC again
A while back, I celebrated the controversy surrounding my appointment to the panel that chooses MATC board members. Not only did it seem like old times but all the opposition allowed me to bask in the illusion that I was a threat to the status quo at MATC.
The status quo is that too many of the present board members are too subservient to the MATC teachers' union. They make decisions that may be good for the staff but not for the community or the students. Over the years, MATC has become fat and far less effective than it could be. One problem was pointed out in a recent Bruce Murphy article detailing how MATC faculty are paid more than those at the University of Wisconsin at Madison but often have only bachelors' degrees.
But the five MPS representatives have far less power to influence the future of MATC than might appear at first glance. Real change depends on whether the suburban superintendents, who have by far the largest number of votes, will decide it is worthwhile to resist union pressure and to look for effective board members. So far, they have not. The major dynamic among the suburban superintendents at the appointment meetings I chaired was to get the process over quickly and go home. MPS representatives are in an especially weak position to influence the suburban representatives, since any conversation between an MPS representative and a suburban superintendent can be considered a quorum and therefore a public meeting under a quirky interpretation of the law.
The status quo is that too many of the present board members are too subservient to the MATC teachers' union. They make decisions that may be good for the staff but not for the community or the students. Over the years, MATC has become fat and far less effective than it could be. One problem was pointed out in a recent Bruce Murphy article detailing how MATC faculty are paid more than those at the University of Wisconsin at Madison but often have only bachelors' degrees.
But the five MPS representatives have far less power to influence the future of MATC than might appear at first glance. Real change depends on whether the suburban superintendents, who have by far the largest number of votes, will decide it is worthwhile to resist union pressure and to look for effective board members. So far, they have not. The major dynamic among the suburban superintendents at the appointment meetings I chaired was to get the process over quickly and go home. MPS representatives are in an especially weak position to influence the suburban representatives, since any conversation between an MPS representative and a suburban superintendent can be considered a quorum and therefore a public meeting under a quirky interpretation of the law.
The evil admissions standards
A while back, one of the Journal Sentinel "community columnists," a teacher at Rufus King High School, argued that schools in the voucher program could choose their students. A supporter of the choice program wrote a letter to the editor pointing out that voucher schools were required to use a lottery if applicants exceeded spaces, but Rufus King teachers could and did choose its students.
An underlying theme in both the arguments is that there is something wrong with admissions standards. Even those benefiting from the standards, like the teacher at Rufus King, seem to think they are wrong for other people. Years ago, I took the lead in allowing MPS high schools to implement an admissions process. This proposal was strenuously denounced as a threat to democracy. I noticed, however, that those most adamantly opposed subsequently sent their children to the schools with admissions standards. Apparently they felt their children would benefit by being among other children who were serious enough to go through the process.
It appears many people look for schools with high admissions standards for their own children but oppose them for others. This seems to square with the common practice in education of people expecting others to put their children in schools we would not choose for our own.
More broadly, this opposition to matching students with classes and schools makes no sense. Of course, students can be chosen for the wrong reasons. But how would an MPS ninth-grade teacher, for instance, effectively teach a class whose reading skills ranged from those of a typical third grader to those of a high school graduate? From time to time, I partially learn something on my own and wonder if I should take a class in it. But I hesitate because it is hard to tell whether the class will teach me what I already know or whether I will be completely lost. Matching a student and the educational challenge seems the first step in successful education.
An underlying theme in both the arguments is that there is something wrong with admissions standards. Even those benefiting from the standards, like the teacher at Rufus King, seem to think they are wrong for other people. Years ago, I took the lead in allowing MPS high schools to implement an admissions process. This proposal was strenuously denounced as a threat to democracy. I noticed, however, that those most adamantly opposed subsequently sent their children to the schools with admissions standards. Apparently they felt their children would benefit by being among other children who were serious enough to go through the process.
It appears many people look for schools with high admissions standards for their own children but oppose them for others. This seems to square with the common practice in education of people expecting others to put their children in schools we would not choose for our own.
More broadly, this opposition to matching students with classes and schools makes no sense. Of course, students can be chosen for the wrong reasons. But how would an MPS ninth-grade teacher, for instance, effectively teach a class whose reading skills ranged from those of a typical third grader to those of a high school graduate? From time to time, I partially learn something on my own and wonder if I should take a class in it. But I hesitate because it is hard to tell whether the class will teach me what I already know or whether I will be completely lost. Matching a student and the educational challenge seems the first step in successful education.
School choice and taxpayers
In the final weeks before the expansion of the choice program, Tom Barrett made a major issue about the unfairness of the funding formula. This theme was picked up by others who would have opposed the expansion no matter what the funding.
The biggest problem for Barrett was that he entered the issue late. If he had been working from the beginning to both expand the number of seats and to change the funding, he would have been in a much stronger position--especially if he could have also promised some Milwaukee votes for such a package. As it was, he entered too late and too negatively to be part of the compromise. On the plus side he did help generate a recognition of the need to reexamine the funding formula.
Assuming choice school enrollment expands by one thousand in the next couple of years, the additional cost to Milwaukee taxpayers would be about one million dollars. One might compare this to the many millions Milwaukee under Barrett has been willing to give as subsidies to projects like Pabst City and Manpower. If a recent study by the Public Policy Forum concluding that choice enrollment is flattening is correct, this estimate might be high, particularly if the additional requirements under the bill discourage the opening of new schools. On the other side the bill has economic advantages for Milwaukee. Choice schools can be regarded economically as small businesses, usually located in the most economically inert parts of the city. Much of the additional SAGE money will go to Milwaukee to hire additional MPS teachers who are required to live in the city.
One element not noticed in the whole controversy was the funding of non-MPS charter schools--those chartered by the city, UWM, or (potentially) by MATC. Unless the formula has changed since I was involved, these schools are largely funded directly by the state. So the switch of a student from MPS to one of these schools saves money for Milwaukee taxpayers.
If I were Barrett's legislative advisor, I would suggest the following:
The biggest problem for Barrett was that he entered the issue late. If he had been working from the beginning to both expand the number of seats and to change the funding, he would have been in a much stronger position--especially if he could have also promised some Milwaukee votes for such a package. As it was, he entered too late and too negatively to be part of the compromise. On the plus side he did help generate a recognition of the need to reexamine the funding formula.
Assuming choice school enrollment expands by one thousand in the next couple of years, the additional cost to Milwaukee taxpayers would be about one million dollars. One might compare this to the many millions Milwaukee under Barrett has been willing to give as subsidies to projects like Pabst City and Manpower. If a recent study by the Public Policy Forum concluding that choice enrollment is flattening is correct, this estimate might be high, particularly if the additional requirements under the bill discourage the opening of new schools. On the other side the bill has economic advantages for Milwaukee. Choice schools can be regarded economically as small businesses, usually located in the most economically inert parts of the city. Much of the additional SAGE money will go to Milwaukee to hire additional MPS teachers who are required to live in the city.
One element not noticed in the whole controversy was the funding of non-MPS charter schools--those chartered by the city, UWM, or (potentially) by MATC. Unless the formula has changed since I was involved, these schools are largely funded directly by the state. So the switch of a student from MPS to one of these schools saves money for Milwaukee taxpayers.
If I were Barrett's legislative advisor, I would suggest the following:
- Discard his proposal of simply holding Milwaukee taxpayers harmless for additional choice enrollment. It is both too modest and an unnecessary complication to the funding formula. Instead, go back to the proposal of several years ago to include choice and charter students in the MPS count. This would mean that both Milwaukee and out-state taxpayers benefit when students move from MPS to the lower-cost choice program. When originally introduced, this measure was supported by Republicans but died from lack of Democratic support. So the mayor would need to line up support for it among Milwaukee Democrats.
- Aggressively promote expansion of the city, UWM, and MATC charter programs. In the short run, this would save Milwaukee taxpayers money, particularly if schools chartered by MPS were encouraged to defect. In the long run, it would increase the mayor's bargaining power in the legislature, since Milwaukee then would be giving something up in the move to fairer funding.
School Coice Expanded
Yesterday Governor Doyle signed legislation to increase the cap on school choice enrollment. Only four Milwaukee Democrats in the legislature supported the bill. This strikes me as odd, because the major beneficiaries of the expansion are Milwaukee children. Apparently most feel comfortable voting against their constituents on the assumption that poor people do not vote.
The present political weakness of the Democrats is bad for Wisconsin and the U.S. in my view. But rather than presenting a broader vision, Democrats seem to believe they can ride to power by pandering to various groups, particularly the public employee unions and ideologues whose thinking has been petrified for the past forty years.
Despite the present unpopularity of the Bush administration and the Republicans in Congress, it is striking that current polls show two Republicans--McCain and Giuliani--defeating the Democratic front-runners for president. I suspect a lot of this is due to the perception that these men have convictions (in part because they have crossed swords with their own party) and the Democrats do not.
While poor people may not vote, the Democratic party has always obtained much of its moral authority by representing underdogs, those without much power. People want to support a candidate who agrees with their position on most issues, but also one with convictions.
The present political weakness of the Democrats is bad for Wisconsin and the U.S. in my view. But rather than presenting a broader vision, Democrats seem to believe they can ride to power by pandering to various groups, particularly the public employee unions and ideologues whose thinking has been petrified for the past forty years.
Despite the present unpopularity of the Bush administration and the Republicans in Congress, it is striking that current polls show two Republicans--McCain and Giuliani--defeating the Democratic front-runners for president. I suspect a lot of this is due to the perception that these men have convictions (in part because they have crossed swords with their own party) and the Democrats do not.
While poor people may not vote, the Democratic party has always obtained much of its moral authority by representing underdogs, those without much power. People want to support a candidate who agrees with their position on most issues, but also one with convictions.
Tuesday, January 31, 2006
Like old times
A recent Journal-Sentinel article, suit targets MATC panel choices
brought a whiff of nostalgia. Apparently the union for the Milwaukee Area Technical College has brought a lawsuit challenging Ken Johnson's appointment of me and three other men to a committee charged with choosing MATC board members. The legal basis of the suit is that we are all men, but the true concern, it is clear from the article, is that we might appoint board members who would be less compliant to the union's wishes.
Recent articles have described a growing backlash against taxes for technical colleges in Wisconsin, along with calls for electing their boards. Since the success of the members of the union is tied to the ability of the colleges to convince the public the tax money is being well spent, one might expect the union to work for highly competent and thoughtful board members. But, as with the MPS teachers union, obedience to the union trumps competence every time.
brought a whiff of nostalgia. Apparently the union for the Milwaukee Area Technical College has brought a lawsuit challenging Ken Johnson's appointment of me and three other men to a committee charged with choosing MATC board members. The legal basis of the suit is that we are all men, but the true concern, it is clear from the article, is that we might appoint board members who would be less compliant to the union's wishes.
Recent articles have described a growing backlash against taxes for technical colleges in Wisconsin, along with calls for electing their boards. Since the success of the members of the union is tied to the ability of the colleges to convince the public the tax money is being well spent, one might expect the union to work for highly competent and thoughtful board members. But, as with the MPS teachers union, obedience to the union trumps competence every time.
Sunday, January 15, 2006
A gender gap?
An article in the New Republic describes an increasing gap in performance as boys lag behind girls. The information in the article is largely anecdotal although it seems plausible. I can recall attending programs to honor academic achievement in majority black MPS schools and wondering where the boys were.
There has been surprisingly little attention to this issue. School districts such as MPS break out student achievement by ethnicity, but I have not seen any statistics organized by gender. When I analyzed some MPS achievement data, I looked at the effects of ethnicity, poverty (measured by free lunch), mobility, and other factors, but it did not occur to me to look at the effects of gender.
The article questions why this gap has suddenly widened in the last few years. One plausible explanation is that educational materials become more verbal, playing to the strength of girls. Certainly the math texts used in middle school have lots of words and very few numbers and symbols, especially compared to the books I remember.
There has been surprisingly little attention to this issue. School districts such as MPS break out student achievement by ethnicity, but I have not seen any statistics organized by gender. When I analyzed some MPS achievement data, I looked at the effects of ethnicity, poverty (measured by free lunch), mobility, and other factors, but it did not occur to me to look at the effects of gender.
The article questions why this gap has suddenly widened in the last few years. One plausible explanation is that educational materials become more verbal, playing to the strength of girls. Certainly the math texts used in middle school have lots of words and very few numbers and symbols, especially compared to the books I remember.
Friday, January 06, 2006
Florida's court decision
News this morning was that Florida's supreme court banned that state's voucher program which gave students in schools judged failing the right to attend other schools, including private schools. Following the court's reasoning observers speculated that charter schools and a program of scholarships for disabled students could also be at risk.
The court's decision was based on a provision in the state constitution that the schools be "uniform," which the court interpreted as meaning the schools should all be the same. In doing so the court seems to have adopted the one size fits all model of education that says one kind of school should meet the needs of all students. The court ignored the constitution's admonition that the system of education should be "excellent."
The list of plaintiff organizations is ironic--and sad. Ironic because the American Civil Liberites Union has adopted the position that the way to defend liberty is to restrict choices. The NAACP, as in Milwaukee, has become an implacable foe of the interests of black parents in improving educational choices for their children. Sad because each organization has historically played a vital role in expanding the rights of Americans.
The court's decision was based on a provision in the state constitution that the schools be "uniform," which the court interpreted as meaning the schools should all be the same. In doing so the court seems to have adopted the one size fits all model of education that says one kind of school should meet the needs of all students. The court ignored the constitution's admonition that the system of education should be "excellent."
The list of plaintiff organizations is ironic--and sad. Ironic because the American Civil Liberites Union has adopted the position that the way to defend liberty is to restrict choices. The NAACP, as in Milwaukee, has become an implacable foe of the interests of black parents in improving educational choices for their children. Sad because each organization has historically played a vital role in expanding the rights of Americans.
Thursday, January 05, 2006
Voucher caps and MPS, Part III
Sarah Carr and Alan Borsuk report this morning on the effects of the voucher caps on choice schools. They particularly make the point that the impact would be greatest on well-established schools, since they would be least able to exaggerate the likely number of students.
Until reading the article I had forgotten that there were a large number of schools that never opened, but whose 5,500 claimed spaces would have been included in the count. After the reduction to stay within the cap, these schools would have been assigned about 2,500 spaces. Presumably at some point when it became clear the schools would not open the DPI would reallocate these spaces to schools likely to open. Thus MPS schools might find themselves losing an additional 2,500 students shortly before schools open in the fall. Added to the numbers mentioned in the earlier post, almost 4,000 students could disappear from projected enrollment well after school budgets were completed and staffing levels set.
Another way of looking at this is that about 200 teaching positions would suddenly disappear. MPS has always had a challenge hiring the right number of teachers for the fall. This would only make the situation more difficult.
The article makes a couple of other interesting points:
Until reading the article I had forgotten that there were a large number of schools that never opened, but whose 5,500 claimed spaces would have been included in the count. After the reduction to stay within the cap, these schools would have been assigned about 2,500 spaces. Presumably at some point when it became clear the schools would not open the DPI would reallocate these spaces to schools likely to open. Thus MPS schools might find themselves losing an additional 2,500 students shortly before schools open in the fall. Added to the numbers mentioned in the earlier post, almost 4,000 students could disappear from projected enrollment well after school budgets were completed and staffing levels set.
Another way of looking at this is that about 200 teaching positions would suddenly disappear. MPS has always had a challenge hiring the right number of teachers for the fall. This would only make the situation more difficult.
The article makes a couple of other interesting points:
- DPI is clear that it will not try to verify the estimates supplied by the schools.
- DPI is not clear as to when, or whether, it will reallocate unused seats.
Wednesday, January 04, 2006
More on voucher caps and MPS
In my previous post I described a hypothetical calculation of what might happen to the participating private schools and to MPS schools under the voucher cap. Using estimates of capacity and actual enrollments from last year underlines both the incentive to report large capacities and the potential impact on MPS students of a last-minute exodus of students.
If the enrollment caps had been applied to last year's enrollments, schools having to cut enrollment had reported capacities averaging 33% above their actual enrollments while those with no cuts had reported capacities averaging more than three times their actual enrollments. Clearly it is the schools' interest to report capacities as large as possible.
It is unclear if the DPI will try to monitor and challenge the reported capacities. Doing so could be a real challenge. Often schools could expand their capacity by hiring additional teachers or renting additional space. At least they could argue this, knowing that the caps will mean they will never be put to the test.
Using last year's figures, 1,170 seats would be unused. If DPI made a last-minute decision to reallocate these to schools with waiting lists, a number of MPS schools might suddenly find they could not afford all the teachers they had budgeted for--potentially a cut of about fifty teachers.
If the enrollment caps had been applied to last year's enrollments, schools having to cut enrollment had reported capacities averaging 33% above their actual enrollments while those with no cuts had reported capacities averaging more than three times their actual enrollments. Clearly it is the schools' interest to report capacities as large as possible.
It is unclear if the DPI will try to monitor and challenge the reported capacities. Doing so could be a real challenge. Often schools could expand their capacity by hiring additional teachers or renting additional space. At least they could argue this, knowing that the caps will mean they will never be put to the test.
Using last year's figures, 1,170 seats would be unused. If DPI made a last-minute decision to reallocate these to schools with waiting lists, a number of MPS schools might suddenly find they could not afford all the teachers they had budgeted for--potentially a cut of about fifty teachers.
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